₹500
After 1945, the face of Indian State of J&K was allowed to be painted by some to the benefit of external and internal disruptive elements. Not only this, questions like delayed accession of Indian State of Jammu and Kashmir, ‘conditional’ accession, Article 370 of Constitution of India, dual ‘citizenship’ for subjects of Jammu & Kashmir and ‘commitments’ made with Kashmiries have not been adequately addressed even by Government of India for six decades. Even Art-370 of Constitution of India has been pushed into unfair controversies. Affairs concerning the Indian state of J&K have been the victim of mishandling. Local J&K political leadership has been resting her stakes more only on local governance.
In 1950s the school children in J&K were told stories about one Maqbool Sherwani (a 19 yr youth who stood against ‘Pakistani’ invaders in October 1947) where as in 2014 one would hear more of Maqbool Bhat (founder of JKLF who was sentenced to death in 1968, who allegedly also masterminded hijacking of Indian aeroplane in 1971 to Lahore) who was hanged in Tihar Jail on 11th February 1984.
All these years focus has remained more on Kashmir Valley only (just 10% of whole area), still common man there has been no less a sufferer, one would ask ‘Why’?
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Contents
Preface —Pgs. 7
1. Let There be No Debates on the History and Nationality of Kashmir —Pgs. 17
2. Identities of Jammu & Kashmir —Pgs. 18
3. Princely State (of the British Indian Empire) of Jammu and Kashmir —Pgs. 20
4. Vital Statistical Images of the Pre-October 1947 and
Post-1947 face of Indian State of J&K —Pgs. 23
5. Need for Clearing Some Misunderstandings —Pgs. 30
6. Unrest against the British —Pgs. 36
7. British Cabinet Mission and Indian Princes —Pgs. 38
8. Quit Kashmir Call, Nehru, Patel, All India State People’s Conference —Pgs. 40
9. Sheikh Abdullah wanted a Different Plan of Action for J&K —Pgs. 41
10. Nehru’s support to Sheikh Abdullah annoyed Maharaja Hari Singh —Pgs. 43
11. Princely States, Princes and Dominions —Pgs. 45
12. Final Radcliffe Award on Boundaries could also be the Reason —Pgs. 47
13. Was Nehru’s Nominee Sheikh the Cause for Delay? —Pgs. 51
14. Historical Ties of Jammu and Kashmir —Pgs. 53
15. The Failure of the Government —Pgs. 56
16. Princely State of J&K Acceded to the Indian Dominion —Pgs. 58
17. Accession could be done even after 15th August, 1947 —Pgs. 73
18. It is a Point Here —Pgs. 78
19. Separatists Quote and Use —Pgs. 81
20. Earlier the people of J&K took Pakistan as an Aggressor —Pgs. 83
21. Exile of Families —Pgs. 85
22. Mountbatten was a Close Family Associate of Nehru —Pgs. 86
23. A Brief on Political Activism and Jammu & Kashmir —Pgs. 88
24. Cabinet Mission Plans, Accessions and Instrument of Accession —Pgs. 92
25. Nehru did not want to take Any Chance —Pgs. 99
26. ‘Quit Kashmir’ Call of Sheikh Abdullah —Pgs. 100
27. Indian Independence Act too not Well Carried —Pgs. 104
28. Standstill Agreement —Pgs. 107
29. Pakistan Violates Standstill Agreement —Pgs. 109
30. India did not Immediately Extend Military Help —Pgs. 110
31. Menon did Succeed in Making Hari Singh a Little Soft —Pgs. 111
32. Sheikh Abdullah Pledged Loyalty —Pgs. 114
33. May be Hari Singh would have Done it Earlier —Pgs. 115
34. Indian Complaint to Security Council —Pgs. 117
35. UN did not do anything to get the Lands of J&K Cleared of Invader —Pgs. 121
36. Start of Local Governance in Indian State of Jammu and Kashmir —Pgs. 123
37. Mountbatten and Nehru had made the Maharaja of
J&K helpless before Sheikh Abdullah —Pgs. 125
38. Sheikh Abdullah too Feared —Pgs. 127
39. Sheikh became a Socio-political Problem for Nehru —Pgs. 128
40. Sheikh made Mockery of Maharaja’s Authority with the Support of Delhi —Pgs. 129
41. At Last Hari Singh was made to Leave the State —Pgs. 134
42. Maharaja had left J&K Temporarily in June 1949 but could not Return —Pgs. 136
43. Ultimate Authority Rested in Maharaja and/or the Regent Yuvraj Karan Singh —Pgs. 138
44. The Praja Sabha—Constitution of J&K, 1996 Samvat
Constituent Assembly—Legislative Assembly —Pgs. 142
45. Constituent Assembly of J&K and Ratification of Accession —Pgs. 154
46. Better Only go by the Recorded/Approved Actions —Pgs. 155
47. Constitution of J&K is to legislate on a “Shadow State List” —Pgs. 162
48. Article 370 of Constitution of India —Pgs. 164
49. Article 370 of Constitution of India—A Temporary Provision —Pgs. 173
50. ‘J&K is an Integral Part of India’—says Section 3 of Constitution.
Where does PDP Self Rule Stand? —Pgs. 179
51. Delhi Agreement, 1952 —Pgs. 183
52. Indira-Sheikh Accord, 1974 —Pgs. 189
53. If Constitution of J&K is Legal, the Amendments cannot
be alleged as Illegal Erosion —Pgs. 192
54. Valley-centric Approach: Muslim Majority Areas of Jammu too Suffer —Pgs. 194
55. Separatists too Unduly Use Article 370 as a Tool —Pgs. 204
56. Myths: Explanations: Claims that Need to be Addressed —Pgs. 208
57. Epilogue —Pgs. 242
58. List of Annexures —Pgs. 249
Annexures —Pgs. 252
Engineer by profession (Postgraduate Degree 1971), Daya Sagar (born 6-11-1945) is a Senior freelancer scribe. Affairs concerning Indian state of J&K have always remained in his immediate focus. Closely associated with senior bureaucrats, social activists, academicians and political leaders, he writes extensively on education, economy, health, human rights, international relations and social issues. He has to his credit nearly 1000 published articles and 7 books. He has remained associated with several leading socio-cultural voluntary organisations.
He has distinction of having promoted (in 1990s) the idea of Social Audit through Group Research and Audit on Social Programmes. He is working for the welfare of the Physically challenged, underprivileged and ‘unheard’ people and for development of ‘Humanitarian Coefficient’.
Published Books: • J&K Affairs: Mishandled-Misquoted-Miscarried • Jammu and Kashmir State: 1947 Accession: Events Thereafter • Article 370 – Law and Politics • A Look Through the Mist: PDP Self-Rule • History of Delimitation in J&K • Real Face of Article-370 of Constitution of India • Jammu & Kashmir—A Victim.